Pizza, Mafia & Borsellino

Tom­ma­so Sansone
@TSansoneVulcano

It was 16:58 and 20 seconds on July 19th, 1992, when, in Paler­mo, Sici­lia, a one hun­dred kilos-TNT bomb hid­den insi­de a par­ked FIAT 126 car, bur­st viciou­sly, dama­ging buil­dings, other cars and the street itself: Via d’Amelio.
Some peo­ple also died—the Ita­lian jud­ge Pao­lo Bor­sel­li­no and his body­guards Ema­nue­la Loi, Vin­cen­zo Li Muli, Clau­dio Trai­na, Ago­sti­no Cata­la­no and Eddie Wal­ter Cosi­na, whi­le ano­ther one, Anto­nio Vul­lo, was bad­ly injured.
The case is wide­ly kno­wn in Ita­ly as the “Mas­sa­cre of Via D’A­me­lio” and the ones who set the bomb were men of “Cosa Nostra”, the Sici­lian mafia.

The tar­get was Pao­lo Bor­sel­li­no, who was at that time the most rele­vant mem­ber of the Paler­mo city Anti­ma­fia Pool, a squad spe­cia­li­zed on inve­sti­ga­ting and fighting mafia activities.
The unit was esta­bli­shed in Sici­ly in 1984, qui­te in coin­ci­den­ce with the major arre­st ope­ra­tions resul­ted from “Piz­za Con­nec­tion”, a trans­na­tio­nal inqui­ry about drug traf­fic­king bet­ween U.S. mafia and Cosa Nostra.

The Pool was achie­ving some real pro­gres­ses in tho­se years, not just thanks to spe­cial equip­ped troo­pers and vehi­cles, but also becau­se its chiefs had inno­va­ti­ve ideas on how to era­di­ca­te mafia.
The most bril­liant idea came from the man who later beca­me, toge­ther with Bor­sel­li­no, the Ita­lian sym­bol of the fight again­st orga­ni­zed cri­me: the jud­ge Gio­van­ni Fal­co­ne, who also had an impor­tant role in Piz­za Connection’s trials.
Fal­co­ne intro­du­ced the stra­te­gy of per­sua­ding caught mem­bers of Cosa Nostra to reveal secre­ts of the orga­ni­za­tion, offe­ring them a minor con­demn in exchange.
By col­la­bo­ra­ting with ex-mem­bers of Cosa Nostra, the so-cal­led “pen­ti­ti” (“tho­se who have repen­ted”), and by desi­gning spe­cial anti-mafia laws, pool magi­stra­tes had been obstruc­ting and disrup­ting the cri­mi­nal orga­ni­za­tion in a cor­ne­ring cha­se that rea­ched its peak with “Maxi­pro­ces­so”— the mega-trial.
Held in Paler­mo city’s pri­son (Ucciar­do­ne) from 1986 to 1992 – insi­de a bun­ker court room built just for the occa­sion – the trial sta­ted 19 life sen­ten­ces and 323 reclu­sion sen­ten­ces for Cosa Nostra chiefs and members.

This never happened before.

In the past, mafia had poli­ti­cal infil­tra­tions so strong that eve­ry time its affi­lia­tes were caught, they were put on jail just for few years, and then released.
The sen­ten­ce from Maxi­pro­ces­so real­ly chan­ged the land­sca­pe, sin­ce some of the most power­ful lea­ders of Cosa Nostra – Miche­le Gre­co, Giu­sep­pe Calò and Lucia­no Lig­gio – pre­viou­sly con­si­de­red untou­cha­ble, were con­dem­ned to life sentence.
The reac­tion from free mafia bos­ses was quick and ruthless.
On May 23th, 1992, whi­le Fal­co­ne, his wife and his body­guards were going back to Paler­mo from Pun­ta Rai­si air­port, a five hun­dred kilos-TNT bomb explo­ded under the high­way, bla­sting the con­voy, near Capa­ci town.
Gio­van­ni Fal­co­ne, his wife Fran­ce­sca Mor­vil­lo and his body­guards Vito Schi­fa­ni, Anto­nio Mon­ti­na­ro and Roc­co Dicil­lo died in the most famous mafia mas­sa­cre, kno­wn as “Capaci’s slaughter”.

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Fal­co­ne and Bor­sel­li­no were more than col­lea­gues, they were friends sin­ce chil­d­hood, they grew up toge­ther, and even at work they were always toge­ther, sha­ring infor­ma­tion on their objec­ti­ves, so that each one knew what the other one’s work was focu­sed on.
When Fal­co­ne was mur­de­red, Bor­sel­li­no was cho­sen to take Falcone’s offi­ce and to push fur­ther his investigations.
Cosa Nostra kil­led Bor­sel­li­no too, so that the govern­ment had no men left to fill the spo­ts in the Anti­ma­fia Pool, which was dissolved.
From March 1992 to July 1994, fur­ther bombs set by Cosa Nostra bur­st in other Ita­lian cities – in Rome, Flo­ren­ce and Milan – some­ti­mes just dama­ging buil­dings, some­ti­mes inju­ring and kil­ling people.
By doing so, mafia got reven­ge on Ita­lian Justi­ce, sho­wing that nei­ther such bril­liant men like Fal­co­ne and Bor­sel­li­no could stop them.

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Pre­viou­sly, Cosa Nostra had exe­cu­ted the ones who tam­pe­red with its traf­fic­king, and many peo­ple from poli­ce, poli­tics and Justi­ce were also slayed — this time thou­gh, the sty­le was different.
The usual mafia exe­cu­tion deals with a quick assault made by pro­fes­sio­nal kil­lers, who silen­tly pur­sue the tar­get and flee away, lea­ving no clue to the poli­ce, some­ti­mes even una­ble to find the corp­se or sta­te if the cri­me is lin­ked with mafia.

Why mafia did not just silen­ced the two magi­stra­tes, and then pre­tend not to exi­st, as it always did before?
The answer came many years later, in 2008, when Gaspa­re Spa­tuz­za, a boss in jail sin­ce 1997, deci­ded to repent and to coo­pe­ra­te with Justice.

The just-repented boss explained that, since 1990, Cosa Nostra was going through a tough crisis.

As the Anti­ma­fia Pool alrea­dy knew, Cosa Nostra was acti­ve and under the radar well befo­re Fasci­sm and its sur­vi­val had always been ensu­red with pac­ts arran­ged with cor­rupt poli­ti­cians. In 1942, Cosa Nostra dealt with the Ame­ri­can Army and sup­por­ted their bat­tle again­st fascists and nazists in sou­thern Italy.
Befo­re lea­ving, the Ame­ri­can offi­cers than­ked back the mafia by appoin­ting its chiefs as Mayors of the libe­ra­ted cities.

After the Second World War, Cosa Nostra grew up so quic­kly and even more power­ful than befo­re; but then, some­thing threa­te­ned its survival.
In Februa­ry 1992, the Magi­stra­cy of Milan disco­ve­red and publi­cal­ly expo­sed a huge bri­be­ry web, the so-cal­led “Tan­gen­to­po­li”— the city of bribes.
A great inqui­ry fol­lo­wed, com­mon­ly kno­wn as “Mani Puli­te”— the Clea­ned Hands. The enti­re poli­ti­cal system was cove­red with sha­me and many influent poli­ti­cians were put on trial and arre­sted, whi­le others had to reti­re from their office.
Fal­co­ne and Bor­sel­li­no, who had been obser­ving care­ful­ly the mafia’s mecha­nics, deci­ded to stri­ke hard exac­tly when the cri­mi­nal orga­ni­za­tion was without guard.

After the Maxi­pro­ces­so sen­ten­ce, Cosa Nostra’s cri­sis got wor­se than ever: most of its lea­ders were impri­so­ned and their gangs dis­sol­ved, whi­le other ones were under con­stant risk of being detec­ted and sen­ten­ced to life; so they got rea­dy for eve­ry­thing in order to save their free­dom and their power.
Accor­ding to Spa­tuz­za, here came the idea of orga­ni­sing slaughters, often tar­ge­ting famous and high-ran­ked offi­ce men or signi­fi­cant arti­stic and histo­ri­cal buildings.

From 1992 to 1993, the negotiate between mafia and government, known as “La Trattativa” (“The Dealing”) began: men from Cosa Nostra, from the Parliament, from the police and from the secret services, met underground several times in order to conciliate Justice behavior with mafia’s requests.

Spa­tuz­za revea­led that during the 1993 autumn he had been orga­ni­sing, in col­la­bo­ra­tion with other bos­ses, a huge slaughter at the Olym­pic Sta­dium of Rome, by making a TNT-fil­led car explo­de during a foot­ball match; but sud­den­ly, in Octo­ber, he recei­ved from his col­lea­gues the order to stop, sin­ce a deal was final­ly reached.
He was told from Giu­sep­pe Gra­via­no, ano­ther mafio­so wor­king at the sta­dium attack, that the Sici­lian entre­pre­neur Mar­cel­lo dell’Utri just put the cri­mi­nal orga­ni­za­tion in touch with Sil­vio Ber­lu­sco­ni, whom at that time was an entre­pre­neur stan­ding for the 1994 Ita­lian elections.
On March the 27th, 1994, Berlusconi’s par­ty, For­za Ita­lia, won the elec­tions, and from the end of 1993, Cosa Nostra never set bombs anymore.

As seve­ral jud­ges, detec­ti­ves, histo­rians, jour­na­lists, and poli­ti­cians sta­ted, it is very like­ly that Ber­lu­sco­ni brought to Govern­ment peo­ple lin­ked with Cosa Nostra, and that he fed mafia with resour­ces coming from his entre­pre­neur­ship acti­vi­ties, as well as from sta­te taxes, get­ting in exchan­ge the mafiosi’s votes sup­por­ting his policy.

Sur­pri­sin­gly, Pao­lo Bor­sel­li­no was pro­ba­bly aware of The Dealing.
During a video-inter­view recor­ded just five days befo­re being kil­led, he talks about some rele­vant men clo­se to Ber­lu­sco­ni, as if he had been gathe­ring infor­ma­tion about them.
As soon as Fal­co­ne was mur­de­red, Bor­sel­li­no imme­dia­te­ly star­ted inve­sti­ga­ting on the mas­sa­cre, try­ing to recon­struct what his friend’s work was focu­sed on.
He began wri­ting down on a red agen­da eve­ry clue he col­lec­ted and his per­so­nal thoughts about it, and whe­re­ver he went, the magi­stra­te used to car­ry the agen­da with him — as if it was fil­led with some real secre­ts, perhaps about The Dealing.
After the bomb explo­ded in via d’Amelio, Giu­sep­pe Aya­la, a col­lea­gue of Bor­sel­li­no, col­lec­ted the red agen­da from the judge’s car and gave it to a poli­ce offi­cer, but when after­wards the attor­ney asked for it, the poli­ce could not find it anymore.

During the very last days befo­re his death, the jud­ge spo­ke in myste­rious sentences:

They will kill me, but that will be not the reven­ge of the mafia, becau­se mafia does not seek reven­ge. Perhaps, the ones who will phy­si­cal­ly mur­der me will be men from the mafia, but the ones who orde­red my mur­der are other ones”

I will not see the results of my work. You all will, after my murder. Because the people will rebel. Righteous people will revolt.

The who­le sto­ry is much more com­pli­ca­ted than the one resu­med so far, and the inqui­ry about the two mur­ders is still going on, but Fal­co­ne and Borsellino’s effort was not vain.
Fir­st, it sup­plied Justi­ce with kno­w­led­ge about orga­ni­zed cri­me mecha­nics, so that their coun­ter­mea­su­res are now stu­died and applied all over the world, with success.
Second, their sacri­fi­ce inspi­red next gene­ra­tions with the idea that get­ting rid of mafia is pos­si­ble, as long as citi­zens and govern­ment work together.

Seve­ral anti-mafia no-pro­fit asso­cia­tions such as “Libe­ra”, “Addio piz­zo”, “Ammaz­za­te­ci tut­ti” were born with the aim of hel­ping peo­ple oppres­sed by mafia and invol­ving the popu­la­tion in under­stan­ding the phe­no­me­non, by orga­ni­zing demon­stra­tions, public mee­tings and volun­tee­ring activities.
Hope­ful­ly, the citi­zens rea­li­ze their main way to pre­vent mafia is to push them­sel­ves on pay­ing atten­tion to poli­tics, in order to distin­guish fair poli­ti­cians from cor­rupt ones, and care­ful­ly address their vote.
Any­way, most of the Ita­lians are aware of the pro­blem, and espe­cial­ly the young gene­ra­tions often talk about it, wri­te about it, some­ti­mes even joke about it, and by doing so, they remind them­sel­ves they have some­how to cope with mafia.

Pao­lo Bor­sel­li­no real­ly wished for it, sin­ce he said, once:

“Speak about mafia! Speak about it on the radio, on television, on newspapers! Just speak it out!”

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Con­di­vi­di:
Tommaso Sansone
Mi pia­ce fare e impa­ra­re cose nuo­ve. Di me non so qua­si niente.

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