The European Union in distress

As the Trea­ty of Rome, that esta­bli­shed the Euro­pean Eco­no­mic Com­mu­ni­ty, tur­ned 60 on March 25th, an apprai­sal of the pre­sent situa­tion and futu­re of the EU seems in order. To the disap­point­ment of many in Euro­pe and around the world, both pre­sent and futu­re appear bleak.

The Euro­pean Union is pla­gued by both inter­nal and exter­nal issues. Inter­nal­ly, the finan­cial cri­sis revea­led struc­tu­ral fla­ws in the sin­gle cur­ren­cy that have nei­ther quick nor easy solu­tion. Gro­wth rates remain puni­shin­gly low whi­le unem­ploy­ment rates remain puni­shin­gly high. Public deb­ts are on the rise and are pro­jec­ted to remain on this upward trend in the futu­re. An incom­ple­te ban­king union has hasti­ly been cob­bled toge­ther bet­ween 2012 and 2015, effec­ti­ve­ly coming to life in 2016. Also, a bail-out fund for Euro­pean coun­tries in distress, the Euro­pean Sta­bi­li­ty Mecha­ni­sm (ESM), came to life in 2012 repla­cing the Euro­pean Finan­cial Sta­bi­li­ty Faci­li­ty and the Euro­pean Finan­cial Sta­bi­li­sa­tion Mechanism.

The ECB, whi­le often por­trayed as a sym­bol of the Euro­pean dysfunc­tion, deser­ves all the cre­dit for the EU’s exi­sten­ce at the moment of wri­ting: quo­ting Moha­med El-Erian and his most recent book, when the only solu­tion poli­ti­cal lea­ders in the EU could come up with to the unra­vel­ling mess in the con­ti­nent was fin­ger-poin­ting, the ECB was The Only Game In Town.

The most important moment in European history of the last ten years was July 26th 2012, that has later been named among economic and financial insiders as “Mario Draghi Day”. 

On that day, the Pre­si­dent of the ECB, spea­king at the Glo­bal Invest­ment Con­fe­ren­ce in Lon­don, with an Aca­de­my-Award-wor­thy per­for­man­ce sta­ted “within our man­da­te, the ECB is rea­dy to do wha­te­ver it takes to pre­ser­ve the Euro” and after a cal­cu­la­ted pau­se and inten­se look at the audien­ce car­ried on “and belie­ve me, it will be enou­gh”. With tho­se three words, the finan­cial spe­cu­la­tion on Euro­pean coun­tries bonds was over. The fact that the ECB is the rea­son why the EU exists today is a pro­blem in and of itself, spea­king of the utter inca­pa­bi­li­ty of EU coun­tries of coming toge­ther poli­ti­cal­ly to find a solu­tion to problems.

The same inca­pa­bi­li­ty was sha­me­ful­ly plain in dea­ling with the immi­gra­tion cri­sis, that added to the North-South ten­sions the West-East ones. The care­les­sness in pro­tec­ting the EU’s exter­nal bor­ders has rightly upset many. Gree­ce and Ita­ly were the fir­st reci­pien­ts of illi­cit immi­gran­ts. Ger­ma­ny was next in line. With the Tur­key rou­te clo­sed to war-fleeing illi­cit immi­gran­ts after pat­ching a deal with the autho­ri­ta­rian Pre­si­dent of Tur­key Recep Erdo­gan, only the illi­cit, main­ly-eco­no­mic immi­gra­tion flux that goes throu­gh Ita­ly remains.

While relocation quotas were decided, Eastern European countries are having none of it: they firmly reject immigrants, infuriating Germany, France and Italy. Immigration is only one of the issues with which Europe has to deal internationally. 

Putin’s aggres­si­ve Rus­sia is among the top con­cerns of Euro­pean poli­cy­ma­kers but an even big­ger and more recent con­cern comes from the other side of the pond: the Twee­ter-in-Chief, Pre­si­dent Donald J. Trump. Tho­se in Euro­pe who hoped that his lam­ba­sting com­men­ts whi­le on the cam­pai­gn trail on the Euro­pean Union and NATO were only a way to appeal to the more natio­na­lists in the elec­to­ra­te have soon seen their hopes shat­te­red. Pre­si­dent Trump is the fir­st Pre­si­dent sin­ce World War II to open­ly que­stion what remains, argua­bly, the most gran­dio­se achie­ve­ment in Ame­ri­can forei­gn poli­cy: brin­ging Euro­peans toge­ther as a buf­fer to what was, at the end of the War, Stalin’s U.S.S.R expan­sio­ni­st ambi­tions. He is also the fir­st Pre­si­dent to que­stion NATO’s use­ful­ness and Ame­ri­can adhe­ren­ce to the orga­ni­sa­tion which is, essen­tial­ly, as if the Bri­ts que­stio­ned their after­noon tea. As if the Rus­sian bear exu­be­ran­ce and Ame­ri­can you-are-on-your-own atti­tu­de weren’t enou­gh, here come North Afri­ca and the Midd­le East whe­re, quo­ting Richard Engel’s book, All Hell Bro­ke Loo­se. The “Arab spring” has tur­ned, over time, in the “Arab mess”. Of all situa­tions, this sure looks like the wor­st for Euro­pe to choo­se to be weak and divided.

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The Euro­pean Union is now faced with three options: push fur­ther inte­gra­tion, get by or a mul­ti-speed EU. The fir­st option, whi­le poten­tial­ly inte­re­sting, is as impro­ba­ble as the Earth being flat. Elec­to­ra­tes in Euro­pe are discon­tent enou­gh with the cur­rent level of inte­gra­tion. Hell, the Bri­ts were so discon­tent that they deci­ded to lea­ve the EU when they weren’t even part of the Euro­zo­ne. One can only ima­gi­ne what would hap­pen with a fur­ther push toward sur­ren­de­ring more sove­rei­gn­ty to Brus­sels in the remai­ning EU coun­tries. Losing the con­nec­tion with voters, one would hope, should be some­thing that no EU coun­try lea­der should want to do, ending up with a Bre­xit re-run other­wi­se. Also, poli­ti­cal lea­ders not just of the new mem­ber sta­tes but also of the old ones spend most of their time bic­ke­ring with EU offi­cials over the most dispa­ra­te mat­ters. Get­ting by is sure­ly not going to sol­ve EU’s struc­tu­ral pro­blems. We see that the EU is not wor­king pro­per­ly at the moment. When the next cri­sis hits, nobo­dy will be wil­ling to go throu­gh some­thing even remo­te­ly resem­bling the last six or seven years. Which lea­ves us with the last option, an ana­the­ma to the staun­che­st sup­por­ters of the EU, but what sure­ly looks like the only wor­ka­ble solution. 

Euro­pe is alrea­dy “moving” at dif­fe­rent speeds: whi­le eve­ry mem­ber is part of the sin­gle mar­ket, only 19 are part of the Euro­zo­ne. Not eve­ry­bo­dy is part of the incom­ple­te ban­king union, and also not eve­ry­bo­dy is part of the NATO or Schen­gen. Whi­le details of pos­si­ble arran­ge­men­ts need to be thought out, it is not dif­fi­cult to fathom a nucleus made up of the 19 coun­tries sha­ring the Euro (for a com­mon cur­ren­cy to func­tion, it needs to be shared by eco­no­mi­cal­ly very simi­lar coun­tries and the cur­rent 19 mem­bers are far from it: I wouldn’t be sur­pri­sed if some mem­bers were to lea­ve), fol­lo­wed by a group of full EU mem­bers that do not share the com­mon cur­ren­cy (like the UK befo­re Bre­xit), fol­lo­wed by a fur­ther group of non EU coun­tries that would howe­ver be hap­py to be as intert­wi­ned as pos­si­ble with the sin­gle mar­ket (like Nor­way and Swi­tzer­land) and pos­si­bly a fourth group made up of not EU-not Euro-not part of the sin­gle mar­ket coun­tries that are loca­ted in Euro­pe and would like to tra­de with the Union.

        Let us cele­bra­te the­se 60 years of inte­gra­tion as it is right to do but let us not for­get that the work is nowhe­re near done and that if poli­ti­cians will not be wil­ling to finish it, the Euro­pean Union will soon be only a brief page in the mil­len­nial histo­ry of the con­ti­nent and futu­re gene­ra­tions will remem­ber ours as the “they-could-but-they-didn’t” generations.

Con­di­vi­di:
Marco Canal
Aspi­ran­te eco­no­mi­sta, let­to­re, aman­te dei dibat­ti­ti intel­let­tua­li e gin&tonic, alpi­ni­sta, film il pane, viag­gio il vino e i Pink Floyd come reli­gio­ne. Pec­ca di insa­zia­bi­le curio­si­tà, bat­tu­ta faci­le, smo­da­ta ambi­zio­ne e deci­sio­ne. Alea iac­ta est.

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